Sunday, 3 February 2013

vol 2 issue 7 january 2013

Golden Research Thought
                                                                                 Impact Factor:0.1870


                                                                                                                  
Asst. Prof. ASHISH SHRIVASTAVA 
       Principal  Dr. KUSUM DIXIT
M. B. KHALSA LAW COLLEGE, INDORE (M. P.)



Abstrect:


                                       The aim of this paper is to encourage and assist individuals and institutions which work to promote and protect human rights to engage with corruption issues and collaborate more closely with anti-corruption organizations. It may also assist those who combat corruption to recognize the value of human rights to their work and the advantages of closer collaboration with human rights organizations. The paper  may help to raise awareness among key stakeholders and the public of the links between corruption and human rights, thereby diminishing public tolerance of corruption and strengthening public support for anticorruption measures. The paper already set itself a demanding objective when it sought to clarify the formal links between violations of rights and acts of corruption by state officials. Extending the analysis to cover the subject of private corruption would have made the work extremely complicated to complete. This is therefore not a scholarly treatise but a paper written mainly for human rights specialists and organizations who want to know how they might effectively address corruption and the harm it causes.

KEYWORDS: 

Corruption, Human Rights, Relation between both
INTRODUCTION:
              The term “corruption” comes from the Latin word corruptio which means “moral decay, wicked behavior, putridity or rottenness”.( Milovanovic, 2001.) The concept may have a physical reference, as in “[t]he destruction or spoiling of anything, especially by disintegration or by decomposition with its attendant unwholesomeness and loathsomeness; putrefaction”; or moral significance, as in “moral deterioration or decay… [the] [p]erversion or destruction of integrity in the discharge of public duties by bribery or favour…”.

These definitions are representative of two common shortcomings: they define corruption only in terms of bribery, or in terms that are very general. As a result, corruption definitions tend either to be too restrictive or excessively broad. In fact, this is not as contradictory as it may seem. Corruption has indeed broad causes and consequences.


As Michael Johnston, a Professor at Colgate University, has stated: “In rapidly changing societies the limit between what is corrupt and what is not is not always clear and the term corruption may be applied broadly.” [1]
Corruption demands a multidisciplinary approach, and many fields of study, from political science to economics, have addressed the issue. Each has a different perception of the problem and therefore generates different policies: operational definitions tend therefore to start broad and become more specific as they try to render corruption measurable. A well-known classification distinguishes grand from petty corruption. Grand corruption refers to the corruption of heads of state, ministers, and top officials and usually involves large amounts of assets.[2]
Petty corruption, also called “low” and “street” corruption, indicates the kinds of corruption that people experience in their encounters with public officials and when they use public services (hospitals, schools, local licensing authorities, police, tax offices, etc.). [3]
CORRUPTION AS A VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS:
An analysis of corruption that draws on human rights will emphasize the harm to individuals that corruption causes. From this perspective, it is often taken for granted that
[1]  (Johnston, 2005, p. 11.)
[2] ( See Anti-Corruption Resource Centre, Corruption Glossary available at: www.u4.no/document/faqs5.cfm#grandcorruption. The term “Grand Corruption” was first used by Sir George Moody-Stuart to make reference to the bribery of foreign public officials by international corporations. See, Moody-Stuart, 1997. The term later evolved to cover all corruption at the top levels of the public sphere, where policies and rules are formulated. It is usually (but not always) synonymous with political corruption.)
corruption “violates” human rights. When people make this claim, they have a range of issues in mind. They mean that, when corruption is widespread, people do not have access to justice, are not secure and cannot protect their livelihoods.
 Court officials and the police pay more heed to bribes than to law. Hospitals do not heal people because the medical staff  give better treatment to patients who pay backhanders or because clinics lack supplies due to corrupt public contracting procedures.
Poor families cannot feed themselves because social security programmes are corrupt or distorted to support a patronage network. Schools cannot offer their students a sound education because the education budget has been looted and as a result teachers cannot be paid and books cannot be purchased.
Farmers and market sellers cannot earn a living because police take a cut of their produce and sales. In numerous ways like these, corruption encourages discrimination, deprives vulnerable people of income, and prevents people from fulfilling their political, civil, social, cultural and economic rights.
UN treaty bodies and UN special procedures have concluded that, where corruption is widespread, states cannot comply with their human rights obligations.  Some international documents have even considered corruption to be a “crime against humanity”, a category of crimes that includes genocide and torture.  However, these statements are generally framed in broad terms. The extent to which acts of corruption directly violate human rights, or lead to violations, is rarely defined or explained.
Most existing work examines the causes of corruption, mechanisms and policies to prevent it, and forms of technical cooperation to assist developing countries and countries in economic transition. Little work has been done to describe in precise terms what the links are between acts of corruption and violations of human rights.
CONNECTION BETWEEN BOTH:
In recent years, the subject of corruption has received considerable attention. Work on governance has brought it into the light and it is no longer taboo. Corruption is being addressed by financial institutions, government agencies, bilateral donors, international organizations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and development professionals. Its causes have been measured empirically, as have its impacts on human development. Institutions and administrative procedures have been overhauled.
Countries have negotiated and signed international anti-corruption conventions. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Global Programme against Corruption has acted as a catalyst, helping countries to implement the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC). Transparency International (TI) and other civil society actors have created a large forum for discussion and advocacy around its many forms; an international coalition of NGOs has emerged, challenging corruption “from below”.
Yet corruption clearly remains a challenge. Despite countless policy diagnoses, public campaigns to raise awareness, and institutional and legal reforms to improve public administration, research shows that it continues to flourish. Indeed, opinion polls suggest that the public is more pessimistic than before about the likelihood of eliminating it. Combating corruption requires strong collective efforts from different sectors in society acting in co-ordinated ways.
The aim is to provide a technique for analyzing corruption in human rights terms. The presentation here is inevitably illustrative; a complete description of every possible link would be impossible. Readers are therefore invited to make use of the logic employed in this chapter to assess other cases and other forms of corruption to see whether they violate human rights and, if they do, what rights they violate.
THE DECLARATION ON  HUMAN  RIGHTS DEFENDERS:       
The Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognized Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms provides for the support and protection of human rights defenders in the context of their work. The Declaration does not create new rights but articulates existing rights in ways that make them easier to apply to the needs and experience of human rights defenders.
The Declaration considers a “human rights defender” to be one who, individually or with others, acts to promote or protect human rights. It appears to be widely agreed that those who advocate good governance, democratization and an end to corruption and abuses of power are human rights defenders.
ENFORCEMENT OF LAW AND THE CREATION OF NEW LAW AND CODE OF CONDUCT:
Human rights and anti-corruption organizations could explore common interests in several areas. They could work to enact laws and develop policies that will reduce the secrecy of government decision-making processes and promote access to information and transparency; campaign for freedom of expression and plural media; and campaign to ratify anti-corruption treaties such as the UNCAC. Codes of conduct can set a standard for public servants by ensuring that they do not use their public office for private gain or show bias in carrying out their public duties.
Human rights and anti-corruption organizations can also work together to develop firmer professional standards and codes of conduct, ideally in cooperation with law enforcement officials and members of the judiciary. In this regard, wider dissemination of the Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct would be a useful common objective. They could also target other actors, such as bankers, accountants, real estate agents and other professionals, without whose assistance corruption and its proceeds cannot be concealed; and work to raise awareness among journalists and media professionals.
In addition, the paper  may help to raise awareness among key stakeholders and the public of the links between corruption and human rights, thereby diminishing public tolerance of corruption and strengthening public support for anticorruption measures.
It suggests some additional tools that individuals can use to denounce corruption as well as to protect those who combat it. Other relevant international civil society actors include but are not limited to: Global Integrity (www.globalintegrity.org); Global Witness (www.globalwitness. org); the Revenue Watch Institute (www.revenuewatch.org); Tiri (www.tiri.org); and the Global Organization of Parliamentarians Against Corruption (GOPAC) (www. gopacnetwork.org).


ANTI-CORRUPTION ORGANIZATIONS:
Though institutions have used various methodologies to measure levels of corruption in different countries, due to its covert nature, and the unwillingness of those engaged in corruption to discuss it, objective documentation remains difficult to obtain. Most information relating to corruption is still therefore based on perceptions of corruption in a country or profession.
 While these perceptions are useful to researchers, activists and policy-makers, it should be understood that most of the information available on corruption remains subjective.
This is the first of two reports prepared by the International Council. The second will examine how human rights might be integrated within anti-corruption programmes. It discusses where use of a human rights framework can strengthen national and local programmes, and some of the obstacles and conflicts that may inhibit effective cooperation.
The International Council recognizes that, to combat corruption effectively, policies must deal with corrupt practices in the private sector. Corporate social responsibility (CSR) programmes take this view. The Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the Issue of Human Rights and Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises has included corruption among the abuses of human rights committed by transnational corporations.
The CSR initiative of the UN, the Global Compact, also contains an Anti-Corruption Principle: “Business should work against corruption in all its forms, including extortion and bribery.”
When preparing this research, nevertheless, the International Council chose to focus on state responsibility, and neither of its reports examines the degree to which private companies have legal responsibility for human rights violations, including those associated with corruption. This decision was made on practical grounds.
The paper already set itself a demanding objective when it sought to clarify the formal links between violations of rights and acts of corruption by state officials. Extending the analysis to cover the subject of private corruption would have made the work extremely complicated to complete.
Private sector corruption should be the subject of another inquiry; however, this paper does refer to the duty of states to protect individuals against acts committed by private persons or entities.
As we will see, states contravene their human rights obligations when they fail “to take appropriate measures or to exercise due diligence to prevent, punish, investigate or redress the harm caused by such acts by private persons or entities” [1]The Council also acknowledges the importance of dealing with corruption in development assistance: both donor and recipient countries need to tackle corruption in aid programmes because it seriously undermines their usefulness and no doubt harms the human rights of beneficiaries.
The subject is not examined directly here because it is already on the agenda of policy-makers UN. Doc. E/CN.4/2006/97, paras. 25-27.
This principle was not enunciated when the Global Compact was launched in 2000. It became the Compact’s “tenth principle” in 2004, after it was realized that work on this issue was essential. Companies that participate in the Compact must oppose corruption in their strategy, culture, and day-to-day operations.
Corruption and Human Rights: Making the Connection and has been extensively researched. To the extent that policies to end corruption in aid programmes need to be aligned with domestic accountability, nevertheless, several of this report’s recommendations may be useful to those addressing corruption in aid. Moreover, opening up discussion of the links between corruption and human rights may encourage aid agencies to address the subject more publicly.
Some scholars have argued for recognition of a right to live in a corruption free world. They do so on the grounds that endemic corruption destroys the fundamental values of human dignity and political equality, making it impossible to guarantee the rights to life, personal dignity and equality, and many other rights. While acknowledging the merits of such a proposal, this paper takes a different approach.
It focuses on the human rights recognized in major international treaties. These rights are legally binding on states that have ratified them (state parties).
The paper builds a case for saying that, where rights are guaranteed and implemented, corruption will drastically reduce.
 The goal is to provide an operational framework that will make it possible to apply human rights principles and methods usefully in anti-corruption programmes.
The commitments that states have made to combat corruption have run parallel with their commitments to promote and respect human rights. However, international anti-corruption conventions rarely refer to human rights; and major human rights instruments rarely mention corruption.
The absence in international law of direct references to the links between corruption and human rights mirrors the way these two issues are discussed politically, but is at odds with experience: in reality many links are evident.
There are exceptions. The Preamble of the Council of Europe Criminal Law Convention on Corruption emphasizes that “corruption threatens the rule of law, democracy and human rights, undermines good governance, fairness and social justice, distorts competition, hinders economic development and endangers the stability of democratic institutions and the moral foundations of society”.
This is not to say, of course, that all acts of corruption imply a violation of rights. The assumption that one implies the other is quite often made, nevertheless – and, if taken to extremes, it will tend to banalise and overextend the sensible application of human rights principles.
SUGGESTIONS:            
1.      Greater solutions may include population control to improve the quality than the quantity, Controlling population will bring up the quality of life and thus lesser competition and effective control of people and government processes. However feasible solutions are to impart moral principles in schools, and introduction of stringent audits, accountability, effective tracking of corrupt individuals through citizen cards or tax id's.

2.      Computerization of processes, privatization of public sectors, eliminating the chain of corruption by not just punishing the first level but also higher levels involved.

3.      Corruption is not limited to atheists, even the most corrupts are highly religious and have close family ties, in other words corruption has no boundaries. Religion and religious congregations can support and promote anti-corruption drives.

4.      Corruption is NOT a luxury tax. Whoever described corruption is a luxury tax probably said it out of frustration, the religion of corruption, the corruption of politics, the dishonest souls and perversion of integrity is unpardonable.

5.      Refuse to pay money to grease any body's hands.
And do not yourself seek to do any thing illegally. Be on the right side of law. Do’nt give money for fast service.

6.       Create awareness about the need to cleanse our system free from corrupt practices. There should be public awareness about it. Whenever any wrong doing comes to light, people should not hesitate to agitate. Such movements should be organized in every village/town/cities. 

7.      Keep clarity and transparency at all levels starting from the formulation of the programmes / projects / schemes / welfare measures / mechanism with the full participation of all the stakeholders. Create awareness for all the stakeholders in respect of clarity in the roles and mechanism so that every one can understand the responsibility in doing the things and expecting from others.

8.      To prevent corruption you would first have to remove the entire government. Then you would need to make all future politicians accountable for every single action.  

9.      Term Limits for politicians would eliminate the entrenchment and corruption of anyone who would want to make politics a profession. After being in office for an extended period, all politicians start looking for supplements to their income. Guess who gets to pay. 

10.  Inspectors, administrators and other government employees should never be allowed to make a decision without the agreement of a second person. Two people should be sent if there is ever a possibility of corruption or graft. They should never be paired up as "partners", but instead they should be randomly assigned to work together for a day. Departments should offer rewards or bonuses for finding mistakes or evidence of graft. These are just some quick ideas that didn't require much thought. I'm sure a panel or committee could figure out some effective and inexpensive ways to decrease corruption. 

CONCLUSION:
The aim of this paper is, therefore, first, to show how links between acts of corruption and violations of rights can be described accurately; and second, to distinguish cases where acts of corruption do imply violations of rights from cases where they do not.
This paper has not asked human rights organizations to become anti-corruption organizations; or anti-corruption organizations to convert to human rights organizations. It argues that human rights organizations will collide with, and will need to address the issue of corruption in the course of their work, because problems of corruption have human rights consequences; and that mainstreaming of human rights by the UN and many other institutions will mean that anti-corruption institutions will need (and want) to know how to apply human rights.
Our aim has been to provide some tools that will enable them to begin to exchange expertise and may help each to deal with the human suffering caused by corruption more effectively.
This said, those who work to end corruption have created their own institutions, practices and laws – their own tradition – as human rights organizations have. Efforts to apply human rights will not be effective in practice unless they take account of this context. We should work  with this broader issue .
This is therefore not a scholarly treatise but a paper written mainly for human rights specialists and organizations who want to know how they might effectively address corruption and the harm it causes.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
§   Corruption and Children’s Rights
§   A “Right to Know”: The Human Right to Seek and Receive
         Information
§   Access to Information under the UNCAC
§   The UNCAC
§   Definition of “Public Official” According to the UNCAC
§   Summary Review of a Human Rights Violation
§   Equality and Non-Discrimination in Human Rights Treaties
§   The Judicial Group on Strengthening Judicial Integrity
§   Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct
§   Uses and Abuses of Due Legal Process
§   Whistleblower Laws
§   State Violations of the Right to Health Associated with Corruption
§   Situations of High Risk
§   The Rights of Anti-Corruption Advocates that Are often Violated
§   UN Human Rights Reporting and Accountability Mechanisms
§   Anti-Corruption Advocates and the Declaration on Human Rights
        Defenders
§   Living Large – Counting the Cost of Official Extravagance in
Kenya
§   Access to Information and Citizen Participation
§   Advocacy and Legal Advice Centers
§   Checks and Balances on Lawyers Corruption and Human Rights:
Making the Connection 95
§   —. “Politics and the Effectiveness of Foreign Aid.” European Economic Review 40 (1996).
§   —, ed. Putting People First: Sociological Variables in Rural Development. Cambridge: Oxford University Press, 1991.
§   Duce, Mauricio. “A Criminal Procedural Reform and the Ministerio Publico: Toward the Construction of a New Criminal Justice System in Latin America.” Thesis, Stanford University, 1999.
§   Gopakumar, K. “Citizen Feedback Surveys to Highlight Corruption in Public Services: The Experience of Public Affairs Centre.” Document prepared for the Annual General Meeting of Transparency International, 1998.

§   Grumiau, Samuel. Garments ‘Made in Bangladesh’: The Social Reality behind the Label. Report produced for the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, 2002.

§   Heidenheimer, A. J., et al., eds. Political Corruption: Concepts and Texts. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2002.

§   Hines, Andrew. “What Human Rights Indicators Should Measure.” In Measurement and Human Rights: Tracking Progress, Assessing Impact. Carr Center for Human Rights. Policy Project Report, Harvard University, 2005. www.hks.harvard.edu/cchrp/pdf/Measurement_2005Report.pdf
§   International Council on Human Rights Policy. Enhancing Access to Human Rights. Geneva: ICHRP, 2004.
§   —. Local Government and Human Rights: Doing Good Service. Geneva: ICHRP, 2005.
§   —. Negotiating Justice? Human Rights and Peace Agreements. Geneva: ICHRP, 2006.
§   —. “Human Rights and Governance: The Empirical Challenge.” In Human Rights and Development: Towards Mutual Reinforcement, edited by Philip Alston and Mary Robinson. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.
§   Klitgaard, Robert. Controlling Corruption. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988.
§   Transparency International – UK. National Integrity Systems: Country Study Report 2004. Transparency International, 2004. www.transparency.org/ content/download/1726/8633/file/uk_q.pdf
§   UNDP. Anti-Corruption. Practice Note. UNDP, 2004. www.undp.org/governance/ docs/AC_PN_English.pdf
§   —. The Impact of Corruption on the Human Rights Based Approach to Development. UNDP, 2004b. www.undp.org/oslocentre/docs05/Thusitha_final.pdf
§   —. Women and Political Participation: 21st Century Challenges. UNDP, 2000.
§   International Council on Human Rights Policy. Versoix, Switzerland.


[1] (Human Rights Committee (HRC), General Comment 31).